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The summit’s results – or lack thereof – may reflect the exhaustion of the regional model of U.S.-Latin American (or “Pan-American”) partnership promoted through the Organization of American States (OAS).
#MILO THOMAS SCOTT FREE#
policies that encourage and support graft, namely neoliberal economic measures, free trade, and environmentally unsustainable mega-development projects.
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#MILO THOMAS SCOTT DRIVERS#
While people are fleeing violence, corruption, and economic deprivation, those drivers are exacerbated by U.S. rivalry with China and Russia for hemispheric dominance, as a regional echo of the globally destabilizing impact of the war in Ukraine.Īt the same time, the summit underlined the U.S.’s inability to effectively address the root causes of mass forced migration. This militarization includes an increasing emphasis at the top levels of Pentagon leadership on the U.S. The same militarized view played out again this spring, as the Biden administration, with enthusiastic backing from key congressional voices such as Senators Robert Menéndez, Marco Rubio, and Ted Cruz, further embraced outgoing Colombian President Iván Duque and his predecessor and mentor, former President Alvaro Uribe by designating Colombia a major non-NATO ally. policy in the region is still trapped in outdated views of the region as a playground of rivalries, now with China and Russia, hearkening to the eras of the Monroe Doctrine and the Cold War. insistence on excluding Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua over their regimes’ anti-democratic actions while including others with questionable democratic or human rights records highlighted the extent to which U.S. regional leadership of the contentious and inconclusive Summit of the Americas hosted by President Joe Biden in Los Angeles earlier this month. Petro’s triumph in these elections foregrounds the implications for U.S. He also called for a structural transition away from the environmentally destructive, extractivist character of the country’s overall political economy, which has become increasingly dependent on foreign exchange based on oil production. The Petro campaign’s platform emphasizes the need to pivot away from the militarization of the drug war and from the aerial spraying of coca plantations, as well as for long-delayed land reform as an integral component of Colombia’s peace process. These include the intensification of longstanding inequities in Colombia’s economy due to the pandemic, the increasing impact of climate change on the country’s agriculture, and the regional ripple effects of Russia’s war against Ukraine in terms of increasing poverty and dependence on fossil fuels. Their victories highlight the challenges of governance confronting left forces throughout Latin America - and globally - amid convergent global economic and environmental crises. Recent elections have elevated center-left leaders with similar profiles in Chile (Gabriel Boric) and Honduras (Xiomara Castro). Petro and Márquez’s narrow win comes at an especially complex moment in the region. At the same time, it is difficult to overstate the hopes and expectations that the election of former rebel Gustavo Petro and his running mate, black feminist human rights activist Francia Márquez, has evoked in a country where state terror has been the norm for decades and where the number of persecuted and murdered human rights defenders has set a current global record.
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ally in Latin America, poses a crucial test for U.S. The historic victory of a center-left coalition ticket in Colombia, the closest U.S.